VICTORIAN STUDIES, Volume 58, Number 3, pp. 464–92.
Copyright © 2016 The Trustees of Indiana University. doi:10.2979/victorianstudies.58.3.03
Ruskin’s Dust
E
LLA
M
ERSHON
A person turning to stone is usually bad, while a stone coming to life is desirable.
But perhaps it is the confusion of the two realms that is really, and unavowedly,
attractive.
—Barbara Johnson,
Persons and Things
(20)
D
ust was on the Victorian mind in 1865. This year saw the pub-
lication of two notable texts centered on the intimacies of
dust and human life: John Ruskin’s
The Ethics of the Dust
and
Charles Dickens’s
Our Mutual Friend
. Exploring the circulation of
dust according to principles of chemical and social economy, Ruskin
and Dickens insert their human characters into complex systems of
inorganic exchange. Presented as mineralogical lectures on “The
Elements of Crystallization,” delivered in the form of a Socratic dia-
logue between an Old Lecturer and a group of schoolgirls,
The Ethics
of the Dust
constructs an ethical system modeled upon the ceaseless
movement of elements in a chemical economy. Meanwhile,
Our
Mutual Friend
plots the relations that emerge through the perpetual
A
BSTRACT
:
This essay traces the connection between the aesthetics and ethics of self-for-
mation in John Ruskin’s
The Ethics of the Dust
(1865) and mid-century debates about
inorganic matter’s “vital” forms. Offering a reappraisal of dust’s role in Ruskin’s oeu-
vre and Victorian culture more broadly, this essay argues that “dust” signifies decay’s
release of chemical potentiality, which thus encodes inorganic matter’s formative
power as it ceaselessly morphs and moves through myriad forms. Introduced through
Ruskin’s conversion of girls into particles of dust, the essay ends with a meditation on
the gender of changefulness by turning to another great Victorian text on dust,
Our
Mutual Friend
(1864–65), and to Lizzie Hexam’s unique relationship with that precious
chemical agent: coal.
E
LLA
M
ERSHON
(ellamershon@berkeley.edu) completed a PhD in English at the
University of California, Berkeley in 2016. She is currently revising her dissertation,
“Passing Forms: Decay and the Making of Victorian Culture,” into a monograph on
decay’s temporality and its role in the period’s conception of development. This fall she
begins an appointment as an A. W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow in the Humanities and
Humanistic
Sciences at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
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exchange of dead matter in a social economy, as epitomized by the
protagonist’s inheritance of giant mounds of dust. This essay brings
these two texts together through a sustained study of the chemistry
of decomposition that informs Ruskin’s ethical system and, as we shall
see, Dickens’s social economy.
In his conception of dust as elemental particles, Ruskin asks us to
imagine crystals not only as unyielding stones, but also as dynamic sys-
tems that move through states of dissolution and decay, solution and
confluence.
1
In “Form Things: Looking at Genre Through Victorian
Diamonds,” Stefanie Markovits finds in the crystalline diamond a
unique test case for an analysis of “form” and “thing,” as the diamond’s
material structure encompasses both lyrical compression and nar-
rative duration. Following the elements of crystallization through
periods of disintegration and recombination, this essay explores the
crystal’s long geo-narrative in order to develop a conception of form
that can account for the shaping power of subtraction, dissolution,
and latent repose. Namely, this essay envisions diamonds as dust—as
amorphous slurries of carbon molecules—so as to consider specific
shapes and forms, patterns and structures, as the products of an envi-
ronmental dynamism that draws the not-yet-formed and the recently
un-formed into new combinations and arrangements.
Tracing the connection between dust and form in the Victorian
era, I place Ruskin’s scientific writings on decomposition’s chemis-
try in dialogue with contemporary debates about inorganic matter’s
self-formation.
2
In the 1860s, contentious debates erupted over the
status of the
Foraminifera
, an animal confused with a mineral, and the
Eozoön Canadense
, a mineral mistaken for an animal. These two cases
reveal that Ruskin was not alone in locating formative power in rocks;
such scientific disputes were part of a larger cultural debate about the
persistence of form in a world of molecular flux. I therefore turn to
the mid-century revival of Lucretian atomism as an index to Victorian
attitudes toward molecular science’s ascent and, thus, toward the prob-
lem of form as it became increasingly pixelated, fluid, and unstable.
Ultimately, the turn to contemporary science reveals that, while
surprisingly conversant with the science of his day, Ruskin outstrips
his contemporaries in revealing the aesthetic and ethical implica-
tions of decay—a topos which many Victorians and Victorianists
take to be the terrain of moral corruption or immoral fascination.
3
Nevertheless, I argue that an examination of the scientific study of
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ELLA MERSHON
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decay produces a new framework for understanding the ethical value
of dissolution—a reappraisal of forms of unwilled undoing that chal-
lenge the idea that ethics must be understood in terms of will or moral
energy.
4
Attending to decay’s ceaseless agitations,
The Ethics of the Dust
chronicles the “earth-agonies” of geomorphic decay (331), claiming
that it is only through the earth’s “torture and grieving” (329) that the
dust “finds in its weakness the first rudiments of a perfect strength”
(358). In lieu of moral action, dust awaits the recombinant affinities
that will transform grief into resplendent form.
In this way, dust not only serves a moral purpose but also takes on
a socio-political dimension: the promise of mineralogical renewal
assuages fears about resource depletion. Decay’s recycling of elemen-
tal matter provides Ruskin with proof of nature’s provision against
exhaustion. Matter is not destroyed. It is recombined. Dust holds out
the slim hope that the earth’s scant supply of resources can be renewed.
I say slim because Ruskin’s belief in the regenerative power of dust
was short-lived—a brief burst of enthusiasm in the 1860s, bracketed
on either side by skepticism and despair. Nevertheless, Ruskin’s dust
flickers into form at a key moment in the history of science and liter-
ature, revealing the Victorians’ desire to reassess their relationship to
what is least—but, hopefully, not lost.
At the nexus of these debates about form and futurity is the fig-
ure of the young girl. Through its constant personification of crystals
and petrification of girls,
The Ethics of the Dust
genders dust’s endless
rearrangement of matter. Signifying inorganic matter’s feminized
capacity for “infinitude of change” (311), the young girl becomes the
vehicle for Ruskin’s vision of geochemical renewal and sociopolitical
regeneration. Taking carbon’s ability to manifest as diamonds, graph-
ite, and coal as a prime instance of dust’s “infinitude of change,” this
essay moves from Ruskin to Dickens as it tracks the affinities between
the figure of the young girl and Britain’s “black diamonds” (“Black”
246). The essay closes with a meditation on the gender of changeful-
ness as it examines mid-century debates about resource depletion by
looking at Dickens’s
Our Mutual Friend
and Lizzie Hexam’s unique
relationship to that precious chemical agent: coal.
5
I. Girl-Dust
At the beginning of the second lecture, the Old Lecturer estab-
lishes the central conceit of
The Ethics of the Dust
: girls are “dust,” and
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dust represents inorganic matter’s formative power.
6
The lecture
opens with a lesson drawn from life. The girls have just run in from
the garden, jostling each other in the hallway, jockeying for position,
and eventually settling into their proper places. According to the min-
eralogist, when they sat in their “orderly rows,” they became “crystal-
line” (221). Each schoolgirl, however,
is
an atom: the girls’ movement
from “a state of solution” to “gradual confluence” is explained by
molecular attraction. The girls are “arranged by atomic forces” (221).
Musing on the atom’s power for self-organization, the Old Lecturer
reconsiders his choice of diction: “I will not call you atoms any more.
May I call you—let me see—‘primary molecules’? (
General dissent indi-
cated in subdued but decisive murmurs
.) No! not even, in familiar Saxon,
‘dust’?” (222).
Dust was a freighted word for Ruskin and his Victorian audi-
ence. Kate Flint has shown that dust occupied an ambivalent place
in Victorian culture, suggesting ideas about disease, hygiene, class,
waste reclamation, and atmospheric effects (47). Intensifying its neg-
ative cultural associations, Ruskin’s Evangelical faith endowed dust
with a gloomy significance: dust is proof of humanity’s corruption
and God’s punishment as pronounced in Genesis 3:19. Even after
his 1858 “unconversion,” the Biblical formulation of “dust to dust”
continued to give Ruskin his essential coordinates: dust describes
the fate of material existence (decay) and the form that fate takes
(the molecular).
7
Although the Old Lecturer calls the girls “dust” as
a “familiar” substitute for “primary molecules,” dust is more than a
mere synonym for other, equally serviceable terms. Dust taps into a
wellspring of unstable cultural, social, and religious significations
that complicates the text’s apparent investment in purity as an eth-
ical objective. It is, after all,
The Ethics of the Dust,
not
The Ethics of
Crystalline Purity.
Indeed, the text weds its “ethics” to the dust when
the Old Lecturer commands the girls to “always behave at least as
well as dust” (222).
Despite critical attempts to read the girls as occupying a state of
absolute purity, the text makes a vivid and voyeuristic exhibition of
the girls’ decay when the Old Lecturer asks the girls to imagine what it
would be like to have transparent skin:
L. It would not at all be good for you, for instance,
whenever you were washing
your faces, and braiding your hair,
to be thinking of the shapes of the jawbones,
and of the cartilage
of the nose, and of the jagged sutures of the scalp?
(Resolutely whispered “No’s.”)
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ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
L. Still less, to see through a clear glass the daily processes
of nourishment and
decay?
(No.)
L. Still less, if instead of merely inferior and preparatory
conditions of structure,
as in the skeleton,—or inferior
offices of structure, as in operations of life and
death,—there
were actual disease in the body; ghastly and dreadful. (271–72)
Stripping the flesh from the girls’ pretty faces, the passage exposes
“the shapes of the jawbones,” “the cartilage of the nose,” and “the jag-
ged sutures of the scalp.” In exposing their skulls—the archetypal sym-
bol of death and the consummate
memento mori
—the passage, at first,
makes the usual connection between death and decay. But the passage
also exhibits the girls’ internal organs—those “offices” of digestion,
respiration, and circulation that aid in “the daily processes
of nour-
ishment and decay.” In other words, the passage disrupts the notion
that decay is something that happens to the body only after it dies.
Decay is with us every step of the way. It is a “daily” process, as much an
“operation” of life as of death. In this way, the girls’ status as “dust” sig-
nifies the fact that molecular organization cannot be separated from
processes that are simultaneously vital
and
moribund.
Because the girls embody the text’s project of self-formation,
the biochemical flux of their bodies has immediate implications
for
the
ethical assumption that triangulates the good, the beautiful,
and the formed. Ostensibly, the text is committed to precisely this tri-
angulation, in which crystallization exemplifies the beauty and virtue
of formation. Here, this constellation breaks down. Beautiful form
does not just hide ugly instabilities. Beautiful form derives its struc-
ture from processes that are subtractive and negative. As seen in the
concurrent processes of absorption and excretion, formation entails
contemporaneous making
and
unmaking. Hence, the command to
“behave at least as well as dust” implies more than to “get into order.” It
intimates the ethical value of the erosive unmaking that precedes and
accompanies the act of making.
II. Elementary Ethics
While the principle of molecular attraction endows dust with a
virtuous capacity for attachment and orderliness, the ethical import
of dust’s “bonds of affection” actually lies in the dissevering of those
bonds. Such dissevering not only generates the raw stuff from which
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crystalline form emerges but also evinces the fortitude of that for-
mation (222). By tracing the influence of Justus von Liebig’s organic
chemistry on Ruskin’s conception of dust, I show that Ruskin’s knowl-
edge of decomposition’s chemistry elucidates his attribution of eth-
ical value to the process of dissolution. Several letters, along with
an accompanying “Essay on the Fall,” written in 1843 and addressed
to Reverend Edward Clayton, display Ruskin’s early knowledge of
decay’s chemistry. As Mark Frost demonstrates, these little-known let-
ters establish Ruskin’s embrace of dynamic processes, challenging the
critical history that views Ruskin’s science as a descriptive taxonomy
derived from a typological view of nature.
8
While Frost reveals the
influence of Charles Lyell’s geology and Georges Cuvier’s compara-
tive anatomy on Ruskin’s “dynamic materiality,” he virtually passes
over Ruskin’s use of Liebig’s chemistry.
9
Drawing upon Liebig’s research on decay and agricultural pro-
ductivity, Ruskin’s “Essay on the Fall” argues for death’s prelapsarian
existence, claiming that decay releases dead matter’s chemical poten-
tial into a system of complex exchanges that replenish food supplies.
Figured as an economy, inorganic chemicals circulate and trade with
other chemicals. Take, for example, the case of ammonia. When ani-
mal bodies decompose, ammonia is released into the atmosphere,
where it combines with “carbonic acid,” which is then “dissolved into
rain water and presented in this form to the root of the plant” (482).
But the release of carbonic acid requires a previous chemical interac-
tion: “
we
are machines for turning carbon and oxygen into carbonic
acid; the plant is a machine for turning carbonic acid into carbon and
oxygen.” In the economy of decomposition in which “the inorganic
constituents of the earth are left in a state of perpetual circulation
from death to life, and
vice versa,
” plant and animal life are held in bal-
ance by the ceaseless rearrangement of inorganic matter (483).
Crucially for
The Ethics of the Dust
, in Ruskin’s treatise on mountain
geology in
Modern Painters
(1856) he locates the same chemical poten-
tial in rocks as he does in plants and animals. Crystalline rocks are “a
kind of storehouse” (136). When these stones are “ground down into
impalpable dust” (157), their cache of “sandstone and clay, together
with potash, magnesia, and the metals of iron and manganese” is
released and “the plants and animals which require them [are] sus-
tained in health” (136). Like the “perpetual circulation” of inorganic
matter in “Essay on the Fall,” the friable mountain enters into a system
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ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
of “perpetual renovation.” “Cast down in sheets of massy rock,” moun-
tains undergo violent spasms of mass wasting. Aqueous erosion then
pulverizes and distributes the crushed rocks: “each filtering thread
of summer rain” carries with it an allotted portion of the substances
“necessary for the nourishment of plants” (125).
Modern Painters
thus
brings the geomorphic agencies of slope movement and erosion to
bear on Ruskin’s earlier articulation of “perpetual circulation.”
The Ethics of the Dust
brings decay’s agencies to fruition. When
Mary asks, “what is [Tourmaline] made of” (325), the Old Lecturer
responds: “there’s always flint, and clay, and magnesia in it; and the
black is iron .
.
. and there’s boracic acid .
.
. potash, and soda” (325–26).
Crystals are made of dust: crystallization begins when the rock’s raw
materials are “slowly wrung, or ground to pieces,” releasing the chem-
ical potential of decomposed matter (328). From the fragments of
pulverized dust, crystals slowly emerge:
The soft white sediments of the sea
draw themselves, in process of time, into
smooth knots of
sphered symmetry.
.
.
. The dark drift of the inland river, or stag-
nant slime of
inland pool and lake, divides, or resolves itself as it dries, into
lay-
ers of its several elements; slowly purifying each by the
patient withdrawal of it
from the anarchy of the mass in which it
was mingled. Contracted by increasing
drought, till it must
shatter into fragments, it infuses continually a finer ichor
into the
opening veins, and finds in its weakness the first rudiments of a
perfect
strength. Rent at last, rock from rock, nay, atom from
atom, and tormented in lam-
bent fire, it knits, through the fusion,
the fibres of a perennial endurance. (358)
At first, the passage plots an uncomplicated movement from decay
to formation. Pulverized oceanic remains coalesce into “knots of
sphered symmetry.” “Stagnant slime” resolves into elemental purity.
But this movement from decay to formation is overturned in the next
sentence when these forms suddenly “shatter into fragments” and
are “rent at last, rock from rock, nay, atom from atom.” In the perpet-
ual circulation of matter, the broken dust “infuses
continually
” (my
emphasis). As Anne-Julia Zwierlein argues, Ruskin presents crystal-
line formation as “alternately assimilating and repelling materials”
(321). Like the girls’ decaying-growing bodies, crystals are simulta-
neously undergoing processes that are expulsive and incorporative.
Indeed, the “ichor” which pours into the “opening veins” can either
signify a “bloodlike fluid that flows through the veins of the gods”
or a “watery, fetid discharge from a wound” (“Ichor”). Both meanings
are operative. The Old Lecturer insists that the “crystalline power
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principally exerts itself” in the earth’s wounds: “wherever the earth
is torn, it heals and binds; nay, the torture and grieving of the earth
seem necessary to bring out its full energy” (329). While
The Ethics of
the Dust
proffers crystallization as a model of virtuous self-formation,
it exposes the “pure” self’s enmeshment in processes that are fetid and
suppurative and, therefore, curative and shaping.
Viewed through the lens of decay’s chemistry, dust’s ethics comes
into focus. Ceaselessly undergoing geomorphic decay, dust with-
stands the “torture and grieving” of dissolution, and thereby models
the patient endurance of rocks. But geological torture is only one
half of the equation. Although decay shreds and grinds the earth, its
dissevered atoms recombine to produce exquisite crystalline forma-
tions, and, thus, through chemical recombination, dust “finds in its
weakness the first rudiments of a perfect strength.” Ultimately, dust’s
ethical value inheres in matter’s susceptibility—its vulnerability to
the erosive effects of wind and water; to the sudden and unexpected
violence of landslides; and to the subtle, insidious effects of contam-
ination—since this “weakness” becomes the “rudiment,” literally the
unwrought element, that defines its strength. To behave as well as the
dust is, thus, to emulate the patient suffering of the elements of the
earth, which “must passively wait the appointed time of their repose,
or their restoration” (360).
Although Ruskin tries to counterbalance dust’s passivity with
the vigor of human action, his call for human vitality is subverted
by his blurred intermingling of personified stones and petrified
girls. Besides the archetypal “wicked” and “good” crystals, the text
moralizes on “indulged crystals” (334), “fat crystals” (335), “converted
crystals” (334), “foolish crystals,” “impatient crystals” (335), and, sig-
nificantly, “little child crystals put to school like school-girls” (334). As
Barbara Johnson suggests, it is a text that finds “the confusion” of girls
turning to stones and stones coming to life “attractive” (20). Analyzing
this attraction, Catherine Robson argues that the crystalline girl is not
only “an object of desire” but also the figure for Ruskin’s “lost self of
childhood” (14). Indisputably, erotic desire inflects the depiction of
the schoolgirls, who give the Old Lecturer kisses, crawl into his lap,
and engage in coy coquetry.
10
But Ruskin’s identification with the
crystalline girl shades into another erotic impulse: a desire to become
stone, to experience the petrification that redeems dissolution.
11
It is
this desire for passive restoration that undermines the Old Lecturer’s
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ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
attempt to define crystalline virtue through its vitality, and leads him
to the conclusion that ethical value inheres in the dust’s “weakness.”
Hence, when it comes to the gender politics of vulnerability, Ruskin’s
sympathy for the rocks challenges our critical reception of his notori-
ous chivalry. I think we can approach Ruskin’s idealization of female
self-sacrifice in “Of Queens’ Gardens” (1865)—or, closer to our sed-
imentary terrain, his idolization of the dust of female perseverance
in
The Cestus of Aglaia
(1865–66) as “Patience .
.
. the submission to the
eternal laws of Pain and Time, and acceptance of them as inevitable,
smiling at the grief” (86)—as deflection or misdirection from his mas-
culine identification with passivity.
12
Ruskin’s respect for the grieving
earth intimates a desire to validate forms of passive expectancy and
silent suffering that did not easily square with Victorian notions of
manly vigor.
13
So, while Ruskin tries to preserve humanity’s “nobler,” more
vigorous life, his identification with stoniness leaves us with a frail
sphere of action: Ruskin calls for “the activity of our hope [and] our
labour, for the time when the Dust of the generations of men shall be
confirmed for the foundations of the gates of the city of God” (360).
Modeled upon the ethics of dust’s “repose,” the text transfers ethical
action to the realm of affect, while it figures seemingly active labor
as a species of apocalyptic waiting. In the erotic confusion of animate
stones and inanimate girls, dust’s passive suffering joins together the
“restoration” of geochemical recombination with that of divine res-
urrection. In this way, girl-dust merges the erotics of objectification
with the ethics of passive suffering through dust’s unwrought ele-
mental potential.
III. Animal or Mineral?
The possibility that dead matter possesses life comes to a head
when Dora declares that the Old Lecturer “talks as if the crystals were
alive” (340). He responds that “things are not either wholly alive, or
wholly dead. They are more or less alive” (346). The Old Lecturer’s
belief in a spectrum of liveliness echoes the tenets of vitalism, the idea
that “life” inheres in a superadded principle that cannot be reduced
to physical and chemical forces.
14
While the object of vitalistic study
is, by definition, organic, Ruskin’s extension of vitality to crystals
reflects the “flexible” location of life in the Victorian period, in which
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life could be “latent in the whole of inorganic, or inanimate, matter”
(Gallagher and Greenblatt 189). Although Denise Gigante argues that
the rise of cell theory in the 1830s “killed off” living form, organicism
survived cell theory’s compartmentalization of life into semi-auton-
omous citadels (35).
15
Similarly, vitalism survived Friedrich Wöhler’s
artificial synthesis of urea in 1828.
16
Both notions persisted well into
the latter half of the nineteenth century. This is especially true in
Britain, where T. H. Huxley, the Victorian scientist most associated
with scientific materialism, criticized German cell theory and pro-
moted an epigenetic view of the organism derived from Caspar
Friedrich Wolff’s vitalistic
Theory of Generation
(1759).
17
But, along vitalism’s newly broadened frontier, it became increas-
ingly difficult to distinguish between organic and inorganic forms.
While the watchword for organic life was “self-formation,” the presence
or absence of form, as perceived under the microscope, could not always
adjudicate between animate life and inanimate matter.
18
While expand-
ing the domain of the visible, microscopic science blurred the boundary
between organic and inorganic since, as John Tyndall notes, it brought
“into view a world of life formed of individuals so minute—so close
as it seemed to the ultimate particles of matter—as to suggest an easy
passage from atoms to organisms” (“Spontaneous” 23).
Foraminifera
are single-celled animals with jellylike bodies that “suggested an easy
passage” to mud.
Eozoön Canadense
is a rock with reticulated tubular
formations that was mistaken for an organism. If the “vital” power of
self-formation is at stake in
The Ethics of the Dust
, these two cases reveal
that self-formation was no longer the exclusive domain of the living.
Dust and its inorganic fellows also possessed the power of form.
In 1863, a review of William Carpenter’s
Introduction to the Study
of the Foraminifera
(1862) sparked a rapid-fire exchange of articles in
the
Athenaeum
between two prestigious Victorian scientists: Richard
Owen and Charles Darwin.
19
Carpenter, an expert in invertebrate
zoology and physiology, describes the
Foraminifera
as “a little particle
of apparently homogeneous jelly” capable of “laying hold of its food
without members, swallowing it without a mouth, digesting it with-
out a stomach, [and] moving from place to place without muscles”
(vii–viii). In his review of 28 March 1863, Owen seizes upon these blobs
of jelly to put forth his own belief that “the exuviations, ejections,
and decay of organisms” provide the “raw materials” for “the ooze
or mud” which manifests “the vital form of force” (417). In an angry
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ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
retort published on 25 April 1863, Darwin censures Owen for conflat-
ing living jelly with dead slime: “a mass of mud with matter decaying
and undergoing complex chemical changes is a fine hiding place
for obscurity of ideas” (“Doctrine” 554). But Owen was not the only
Victorian scientist who speculated upon slime’s formative potential.
In 1868, T. H.
Huxley championed
Bathybius haeckelii
as providing
the link between inorganic and organic matter.
20
In samples of what
proved to be nothing more than deep-sea mud, Huxley observed
“granule-heaps” embedded in a “transparent gelatinous matter”
(“On Some” 210). He proposed that this “colourless and structureless
matrix” (205) represented “masses of protoplasm” which “very nearly”
resembled the Urschleim proposed by Ernst Haeckel (210).
Both Owen and Huxley identified a formal potential in formless
goo. For Owen, rotting slime provides the raw materials for the “mani-
festation” and “modification” of atomic form (417). Similarly, Huxley’s
“matrix,” derived etymologically from “womb,” conveys the latency of
formlessness to give birth to form. Even Darwin speculated upon the
generative potential of inorganic matter. While in the article Darwin
ridicules the idea that inorganic matter could produce a living crea-
ture, several years later in his private correspondence he imagines a
“warm little pond” where “all sorts of ammonia and phosphoric salts,
light, heat, electricity etc.” interact such that “a protein compound [is]
chemically formed, ready to undergo still more complex changes”
(“Letter” 202). In the 1860s, the study of microorganisms decoupled
life from form and located a powerful formative drive in living jelly
and
dead ooze. In this light, the suppurative “ichor” of Ruskin’s crys-
tals was yet another strangely vital substance that revealed the organ-
ic-inorganic borderland to be a murky shadowland populated by
amorphous jelly, vital slime, womblike ooze, and incubating ponds.
21
While
Foraminifera
exposes the problematic formlessness of
organic structure, the
Eozoön Canadense
’s intricate inorganic forma-
tion offers a convenient counterpoint. In 1864, John William Dawson
and William Logan announced to the Bath meeting of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science that they had discov-
ered, in fossil beds of Laurentian limestone, the first signs of life on
earth with the
Eozoön Canadense
, or the “dawn animal of Canada.” The
London-based scientific establishment quickly embraced their dis-
covery. Charles Lyell concluded his Presidential Address at Bath with
glowing remarks about this discovery and confirmed Dawson’s view
that the Laurentian limestone contained “organic remains” (lxxv). In
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the 1866 edition of the
Origin of Species
, Darwin describes the discov-
ery of the
Eozoön
and concludes that “it is impossible to feel any doubt
regarding its organic nature” (371). Called upon to verify Dawson
and Logan’s findings, Carpenter confirmed their assessment that
the
Eozoön Canadense
was a “gigantic
Foraminifera
” (“Additional” 66).
Meanwhile, William King and Thomas Rowney, professors of geol-
ogy and chemistry at Queen’s College, Galway, who attended the
Bath meeting, disputed Dawson’s claim that the
Eozoön
was fossilized
organic remains. They insisted that the specimens in question were
“solely and purely of crystalline origin” (“On the So-Called” 215).
The debate over the status of the
Eozoön
hinged on the inter-
pretation of microscopic tubules found in several limestone speci-
mens. Describing the tubes, Dawson seized on organicism’s tropes of
elegance and complexity: his prose highlights the branching intri-
cacies of “numerous minute tubuli,” arranged “in bundles of great
beauty and complexity, diverging in sheaf-like forms, and in their
finer extension anastomosing so as to form a network” (“On the
Structure” 51). Meanwhile, veins of carbonate of lime, “in their
entire
absence of structures
other than crystalline, present a striking contrast
to the fossil” (52). King and Rowney, however, claimed that, “every
one of the structures diagnosed for
Eozoön Canadense
by Dawson and
Carpenter is purely of inorganic origin” (“On
Eozoön
” 508). They
argued that the “chamber casts” are “simply granules of serpentine”;
that the “intermediate skeleton” is a “calcareous matrix”; that the
canal system is “nothing more than forms of metaxite”; and that the
“nummuline layer” is “a film of chrysotile” (508). Serpentine, metax-
ite, and chrysotile are minerals. According to King and Rowney, the
Eozoön
was a rock.
How could minerals create such complex organic structures?
King and Rowney theorized that the
Eozoön
’s structure could be
explained by two mineralogical phenomena: allomorphism and
pseudomorphism. Allomorphism (
allo
– “other” +
morphe–
“form”)
describes how the same chemical composition can manifest in differ-
ent crystalline forms. Serpentine’s ability to morph into metaxite and
chrysotile explained the
Eozoön
’s “organic” tubular formations. But
allomorphism could not account for the presence of the “calcareous
matrix.” King and Rowney proposed that “the replacing carbonate .
.
.
is likewise nothing more than a pseudomorph after serpentine” (530–
31). A pseudomorph is a mineral with a “false” form resulting from a
substitution process in which one mineral replaces another. In this
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ELLA MERSHON
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case, calcium carbonate replaced the serpentine, producing a form
that was doubly “false”: the calcite mimics the form of the serpentine,
and it also mimics the “organic” skeletal form of
Foraminifera
.
The
Eozoön
debate was not settled swiftly or politely. “The contro-
versy outlived all of the original participants,” writes Charles O’Brien,
“and the decorum lasted only a few months” (209). Attacks from both
sides became increasingly personal and nasty. Dawson accused King
and Rowney of “defective observation—in failing to distinguish in
the Canadian limestones themselves, between organic and crystalline
forms” (“On New” 252). But if the protracted debate over the
Eozoön
proves anything, it is the difficulty of distinguishing “between organic
and crystalline form.” Scientists from Britain, Europe, and the United
States bickered for over fifty years about the structure of branching
tubes and canals that were deemed organic by some and crystalline by
others. In the end, King and Rowney were right. The
EozoönCanadense
was not “the dawn animal.” It was a rock—a gorgeous, lifelike crystal-
line formation.
As the cases of
Foraminifera
and
Eozoön
illustrate, the Old
Lecturer has good reason for giving Dora an ambiguous answer to
her query about crystals’ vitality. In the 1860s, it was not always clear
whether something was dead or alive. While living jelly was virtu-
ally bereft of the differentiation necessary to lay claim to the title of
organ-ism, crystalline rocks branched into beautiful reticulations that
vibrantly suggested the living powers of self-formation. With its min-
eralogical ability to mimic organic structures, the
Eozoön
provides a
striking scientific precedent for Ruskin’s girl-dust analogy, especially
since dust makes this mimicry possible. Allomorphism and pseudo-
morphism owe their formal transformations to decay: continuous dis-
solution affords continuous recombination and, thus, constitutes the
capacity for endless reformation. As I will discuss below, the Victorian
public followed the developments of microscopic science with min-
gled awe and trepidation as form became increasingly mutable and
unstable.
IV. Lucretius’s Falling Forms
While advances in molecular science worked to establish the for-
mative power of inorganic matter, this power increasingly appeared
a little promiscuous. Inorganic matter could enter into endless
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rearrangements—shifting, kaleidoscopically, into many forms. The
title of Lindley Kemp’s 1855 treatise on modern chemistry,
The Phasis
of Matter
, summarizes this idea. While crediting Liebig for the idea’s
inception, Kemp declares that “what is now understood by chemis-
try” depends upon “the ascertained fact” that all bodies “consist of a
variety of elements which, by continually changing their combina-
tion, constitute all the substances cognisable to our senses, living or
dead” (10). Thus far, I have considered individual cases of inorganic
self-formation. Ruskin’s dust, Owen’s slime, King and Rowney’s min-
erals: these substances reveal inorganic matter’s ability to move and
morph into seemingly vital forms. But these individual cases were part
of a larger cultural debate about the persistence of form in a world of
molecular flux, and this debate came to a head with the mid-century
revival of Lucretian atomism.
22
Lucretius’s epic poem,
De Rerum Natura
(c. 55 BCE), describes
Epicurus’s atomic theory, which posits that the world is composed of
atoms that fall through a void; their falling occasions chance collisions
that bring atoms together; and these atomic combinations explain the
forms of the world. The world of
De Rerum Natura
is one of constant
mutability. Atoms are continually coming together and drifting apart.
Everything is perishable except the atoms, which are indestructible
and eternal. This, I think, should sound familiar. With the advances of
molecular science in the nineteenth century,
De Rerum Natura
gained
credence as more than a poetic description of an ancient philosophy;
it was also seen as an accurate description of scientific principles.
23
One Victorian reviewer enthusiastically remarked that, “the first two
books of the
De Rerum Natura
read almost like a modern treatise on
the atomic and kinetic theories of matter!” (Adams 190). The poet and
literary critic J. A. Symonds claimed that “modern theories of evolu-
tion and of molecular structure may be stated in language which .
.
. is
singularly like that of Lucretius” (58).
More specifically, the Lucretian principle that “nothing is ever
annihilated, but simply dissolved into its first bodies” speaks directly to
the “perpetual circulation” of inorganic matter that this essay has been
tracing (Jenkin 213). In his article for the
Gentleman’s Magazine
(1894), E.
W. Adams refers to this principle as “a statement which modern chem-
istry has done so much to illustrate” (191), since it confirms Lucretius’s
view “that the atoms can accomplish a vast deal by a mere change of
arrangement” (192). Anticipating Liebig’s findings, Lucretian atomism
478
ELLA MERSHON
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maintained that a body resolved “into its constituent elements” is
reformed “into fresh compounds” such that “the death of the one
combination is the birth of a new order of things, the case being one,
not of annihilation, but of transformation” (191).
24
While Adams takes
a sanguine view of this incessant change, other Victorians were ruffled
by this world of ceaseless turmoil. One Victorian reviewer summarizes
Lucretian atomic theory as “one vast simultaneous shuffle” (Benn
321). Another reviewer emphasizes the “fearful shocks” and “the strain
of eternal combinations from atoms to things, and dissolution from
things back to atoms” (Masson, “The Atomic” 344). More prosaically,
Fleeming Jenkin describes “the great wear and tear” of material exis-
tence (215). In Tyndall’s lyrical description, the Lucretian atom stands
“amid the wreck of composite matter” (“Atoms” 30).
While Tyndall takes solace in the indestructability of the atom,
other Victorians experienced the ascent of molecular science as a
tumultuous upheaval. Writing about Lucretius in 1882, John Masson
reflects upon the recent past as a time when people “felt old truths
almost slipping from beneath their feet and, along with this, a unique
sensation of universal unsteadiness and falling like that of men in an
earthquake, when the solid earth which they have known all their lives,
and which has ever been firm under their step, even the earth begins to
be unsteady and shake under them” (“Lucretius” 333). While Masson’s
“earthquake” symbolizes the psychological disturbance inflicted by
scientific materialism, his depiction of the earth as a slippery, shifting
substratum literalizes the atomism he critiques. Masson’s prose mani-
fests the “falling” flux of Lucretian atomism. This contentious revival
of Lucretian monism provides us with an index to Victorian attitudes
toward the advancement of molecular science. While Tyndall and
his scientific brethren marveled at the indefatigable might of the
tiny atom, the Victorian public reeled as they tried to get their bear-
ings amid the “shuffle,” “shock,” and “strain” of molecular instability.
This, then, is the world of Victorian dust. Form atomized into quaking
drifts. Humans scrambling without traction. Girls and dust, alike, fall-
ing in a void.
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V. A Fragile Hope
While the ascent of molecular science revealed form’s troubling
instability, this same molecular flux held out the promise of regen-
eration. Before turning to the gendering of dust’s formal mutability,
I want to stress that the stakes for Ruskin’s aesthetic and ethical recla-
mation of decay are nothing less than the expenditure of planetary
resources and the annihilation of the human species—stakes that
shape Dickens’s representation of Lizzie Hexham and her coal-in-
spired narratives in
Our Mutual Friend
. In
Modern Painters
, Ruskin
was convinced that the constant process of decomposition would lead
to planetary ruin:
For us the intelligible and substantial fact is that the earth has been brought, by
forces we know not of, into a form fitted for our habitation: on that form a gradual,
but destructive, change is continually taking place, and the course of that change
points clearly to a period when it will no more be fitted for the dwelling-place of
men. (179)
While Ruskin acknowledges that other geologists have attempted “to
prove that destruction and renovation are continually proceeding
simultaneously in mountains as well as in organic creatures” (177), he
“cannot assent to such a conclusion” (178). Despite his belief in moun-
tain erosion’s “perpetual renovation” of the soil, Ruskin could not
imagine the renovation of the mountains themselves.
However, in the 1860s Ruskin began to imagine the redemption of
these losses. Specifically, he reversed his previous opinion that “no ret-
rospection can raise [the mountains] out of their ruins” (
Modern
210).
In his article “On the Forms of the Stratified Alps of Savoy,” published
in the
Geologist
in 1863, Ruskin concludes with an optimistic spec-
ulation: “immeasurable periods of time would be required to wear
these [Alps] away; and to all appearances,
during
the process of their
destruction, others were rising to take their place, and forms of per-
haps far more nobly organized mountain would witness the collateral
progress of humanity” (11). Published two years before
The Ethics of
the Dust
, Ruskin’s contribution to the
Geologist
foregrounds the rev-
olution in his thinking about decay’s temporality: formation occurs
“during” the process of decay. In
The Ethics of the Dust
, Ruskin pursues
this logic, locating the mechanism for the simultaneity of decay and
formation in the geochemistry of dust:
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ELLA MERSHON
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The great laws which never fail, and to which all change is subordinate, appear such
as to accomplish a gradual advance to lovelier order, and more calmly, yet more
deeply, animated Rest. Nor has this conviction ever fastened itself upon me more dis-
tinctly, than during my endeavor to trace the laws which govern the lowly framework
of the dust. (357)
By applying the chemical principles he learned from the economy of
decomposition, Ruskin reconciles the losses of environmental deg-
radation through the commensuration of “the lowly dust.” Decay’s
recycling of elemental matter provides Ruskin with proof that
decomposition leads to re-composition—that the loss of form is not
absolute, and form will come again.
But Ruskin’s vision of planetary regeneration is short-lived. Ten
years later, in
Deucalion
(1875–83), Ruskin jettisons principles founda-
tional to his earlier geological writings and reverts to his view of an
irremediably decaying earth. Confining himself to what is percep-
tible to the naked eye during the course of a human life,
Deucalion
refuses Lyell’s deep time and the geological principle of “denudation,”
or aqueous erosion.
25
Forgetting or suppressing his 1850s fieldwork in
which he attempted to calculate the rate of Mont Blanc’s denudation,
Ruskin supplants his belief in erosion’s regenerative potential with a
linear logic of decay.
26
Ruskin argues: “there are, broadly, three great
demonstrable periods of the Earth’s history. That in which it was crys-
tallized; that in which it was sculptured; and that in which it is being
unsculptured or deformed” (117). With illogical bravado, Ruskin
rejects deep time and denudation’s gradual processes, because he has
not, in his geologically long life, witnessed them.
27
In
Deucalion
, Ruskin’s personal geological record collapses into
a
geological view of the self. In this way, the authority derived from his
accretive collection of materials dovetails with his own senescence and
with the earth’s equivalent decrepitude. It is precisely this unbounded
identification of corrupted self, corrupted times, and corrupted
earth that produces the staggeringly cataclysmic tone of
The Storm
Cloud of the Nineteenth Century
(1884)
.
However,
Storm Cloud
stands
apart from Ruskin’s earlier work not because he apocalyptically blurs
human industries and natural economies, but rather because he can
no longer foresee the transformation of that admixture into a beauti-
ful, synthetic whole (162).
28
My point here is neither to call into doubt
the reality of industrial pollution, nor to question Ruskin’s meticu-
lous observation of that reality. Rather, by placing
Storm Cloud
in a
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genealogy of Ruskin’s writings on geochemical decomposition, we
see that his dire pronouncements about industrial pollution coincide
with his schismatic rejection of modern geological principles and
his vision of the earth as
naturally
tending toward ruination. That is,
without the assurances of dust’s regenerative potential, Ruskin loses
his aesthetic and ethical foothold on the putrid and the corrupting.
Moreover, this genealogy reveals that Ruskin’s writings about dust
in the 1860s are fragilely poised between his youthful dismissal and
his aged refusal of decay’s formative potential. Their value lies in this
fragility—a fleeting flicker of hope held against the wreckage of the
world.
VI. Coal, Graphite, Diamonds
Whether the earth shall renew itself or fall into total ruination
was a question as pressing to the Victorians as it is to us. While else-
where in his oeuvre Ruskin squarely engages with Victorian Britain’s
economic reliance upon coal,
The Ethics of the Dust
explores neither
the rapacious rate of coal consumption nor its potential exhaustion.
Rather, coal appears in relation to the chemical properties under-
writing its mineralogical existence. As I have argued,
The Ethics of the
Dust
constructs a formal model based on dust’s infinite recombina-
tion. Routed through the girl-crystal analogy, the text’s formal ideal
is expressed by the girls, “who are crystalline in brightness, as well as
in caprice, charm infinitely, by infinitude of change” (311). Taking up
coal’s “infinitude of change,”
The Ethics of the Dust
represents coal in
relation to the principle of allotropy (the “other” forms an element can
take): carbon can manifest as coal, graphite, or diamonds. Accordingly,
this final section surveys mid-century coal debates from the perspec-
tive of mineralogical otherness. As we shall see, Ruskin and Dickens
gender coal’s geochemical history, such that debates about the future
of Britain’s coal-dependent economy affix to the figure of the young
girl and her allotropic possibilities.
For Samuel Taylor Coleridge, allotropy reveals matter’s one-
ness: “so water and flame, the diamond, the charcoal, and the man-
tling champagne are convoked and fraternized by the theory of the
chemist” (471). Even from the practical perspective of the
Library of
Useful Knowledge
, allotropy instills wonder: “that the diamond should
be made of the same material with coal .
.
. these surely are things to
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ELLA MERSHON
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excite the wonder of any reflecting mind” (Brougham 241). In
The
Ethics of the Dust,
wonderment attends carbon’s ability to “make itself”
into pointedly dissimilar forms:
L. Some say it was once a vegetable gum; it may have been charred wood; but what
one would like to know is, mainly, why charcoal should make itself into diamonds
in India, and only into black lead in Borrowdale.
SIBYL. Are they wholly the same, then?
L. There is a little iron mixed with our black lead; but nothing to hinder its crystal-
lization. Your pencils in fact are all pointed with formless diamonds, though they
would be HHH pencils to purpose, if it crystallised.
(219)
But wonder blends with disappointment: the Old Lecturer wants
to know why carbon “only” makes itself into lead in his native land.
Cheated of carbon’s “other” form, the Old Lecturer sounds a mel-
ancholic note when he tells the girls that their pencils are “pointed
with formless diamonds.” Since graphite is a legitimate form of
carbon, calling a pencil a “formless diamond” speaks to the felt loss
of form that attends dust’s kaleidoscopic rearrangement of ele-
mentary particles. Dust’s morphic ability to take on “other” forms
conjures a negative space, the empty outline of what is not—but
might have been—present. Given Ruskin’s investment in girls as
symbols of dust’s formative potential, I want to conclude this essay
with a meditation on the gender of changefulness. To do so, I turn
to another great Victorian text about dust, Dickens’s
Our Mutual
Friend
, in which the connection between gender and mineralogi-
cal change intersects more pointedly with the question of resource
depletion.
The plot of
Our Mutual Friend
revolves around the inheritance of
giant dust heaps. Like Ruskin’s dialogue,
Our Mutual Friend
explores
the transformative potential of dust, symbolically keyed to the novel’s
many resurrections, as characters die to be reborn into better lives. In
large part, the metamorphic quality of Dickens’s dust inheres in its sta-
tus as inherited wealth, through which it represents the power of dead
matter to circulate perpetually in an economy of scavengers, scam
artists, social climbers, and leeches—that is, an economy that exploits
the absolute fungibility of all matter and trades in dust as the true uni-
versal solvent. Dust thus comes to embody the abstract interchange-
ability of animate and inanimate matter so characteristic of Dickens’s
novels.
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Critics have long noted Dickens’s habit of turning people into
things and things into people: John Bowen calls it a “key signature of
Dickens’ works” (207) and John Carey claims it is “the hallmark of his
imagination” (101). While critics have interpreted these transforma-
tions in psychoanalytic, economic, and, most recently, energetic terms,
inorganic matter’s transformative potential has been under-theo-
rized.
29
Rather than describing the taxonomic collapse of “person”
and “thing,” which often only reinscribes the taxonomic order it pur-
ports to overturn, chemistry can account for the amalgamations and
expulsions that merge matter into conjoined person-things. While
dust’s sinuous flux describes
Our Mutual Friend
’s world of abstract
interchangeability, it is, as Catherine Gallagher argues, a man’s world:
“only the men are capable of holding ‘Life in abeyance’ .
.
. Bella and
Lizzie have no such out-of-body possibilities, and hence they are
debarred from the process of releasing value and being released as
value, as pure vital potential” (116). Since Ruskin intimately connects
girls to the “vital potential” of dust, I want to consider how a chemical
reading of dust might change our view of the novel’s gendered econ-
omy of transformation.
While the female characters in
Our Mutual Friend
may not
undergo the rituals of drowning and rebirth endured by their male
counterparts, Lizzie’s kinship with coal links her to its transforma-
tive chemical potential. As Adelene Buckland argues, “Dickens often
based plots of fictional transformation on the fantastic metamor-
phoses embodied in the lump of coal itself” (n.p.).
Household Words
and
All the Year Round
featured many articles on coal and its transfor-
mations.
30
In “The True Story of a Coal Fire,” published in
Household
Words
in April 1850, a dissolute young man named Flashley is pro-
pelled through a fireplace to an “antediluvian forest” to witness its
transformation into coal (95); he is jammed into a modern mine to
observe its cramped working conditions; he boards a collier and
works as a cabin boy; he lands on a wharf and works as a coal-sifter;
and, in this manner, he travels the full circuit of coal’s history. Like
The
Ethics of the Dust
, “True Story” relies upon the perpetual circulation
of inorganic matter to enact its tale of self-formation. Just as all liv-
ing things “undergo a gradual transmutation into other bodies and
things of the most opposite kind,” the indolent Flashley transforms
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into a toiling laborer (28). Specifically, Flashley learns to mimic coal’s
chemical potentiality:
Under the chemical process of ages .
.
. these huge ferns, these trunks, and stems,
and towering fabrics of trees, shall all crash down—sink deep into the earth with
all the rank enfolding mass of undergrowth—there to be jammed and mashed
up between beds of fiery stone and grit and clay, and covered with oozy mud and
sand .
.
. not rotting in vain, nor slumbering uselessly in darkness, but gradually,
age after age, undergoing transmutation by the alchemy of Nature, till verdure
becometh veriest blackness, and wood is changed to coal. (30)
Coal is given a similar, albeit briefer, chemical introduction in
Our
Mutual Friend
when Charley reminds Lizzie that coal contains “gas”
that is “coming out of a bit of a forest that’s been under the mud that
was under the water in the days of Noah’s Ark” (37). In both “True
Story” and
Our Mutual Friend
, coal represents decay’s transformative
potential. Thanks to “the chemical process of ages,” the superabun-
dant foliage of the geological past does not “rot in vain”: wood becomes
the coal that warms Lizzie’s impoverished hearth and fires her imagi-
nation. Gazing into a transmuted forest, Lizzie’s coal-narratives insert
her into this erstwhile male history of chemical transformation.
But Lizzie’s narratives also locate her at the center of debates
about coal’s depletion. In “True Story,” exhaustion will be forestalled
by exhaust: when coal is burned, the same gases that fed antediluvian
forests “are liberated” into the atmosphere, where they “form a portion
of those elements which are again to assist in the growth of forests”
(95). In Dickens’s journal, the coal-forest cycle repeats itself and futu-
rity is guaranteed a bright, warm existence. Not all Victorians shared
this optimistic assessment. By the 1860s, the “inexhaustible” coal-
fields had come up against the rapacious scale of human consump-
tion (“True Story” 30). Published in 1865, dust’s banner year, William
Stanley Jevons’s
The Coal Question
predicted that Britain had reached
peak coal production.
31
To write about coal in 1865 was to enter into a
debate about abundance and scarcity, resource renewal and depletion.
While Allen MacDuffie argues that
Our Mutual Friend
“stages a con-
flict” between cyclical renewal and an “entropy-centered economy” in
which waste represents “the end of transformation itself” (126), I think
Buckland is right in suggesting that Dickens refused to “countenance
either coal exhaustion [or] its economic consequences” (24). Amid
the panic, Dickens refused to relinquish coal’s transformative power.
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Accordingly, Lizzie’s coal reflects fears about resource scarcity even as
it continues to materialize fantasies about renewal.
Like Ruskin’s pencils that shadow forth “formless diamonds,”
Lizzie’s coal conjures lost forms—antediluvian forests, layers of sedi-
mentation, the Deluge—in the negative. Reinforcing the connection
between chemical potentiality and empty space, Lizzie narrates pos-
sible futures by gazing at “the hollow down by the flare” (38). This
hollow is a world of narrative plenitude, or, as Charley styles it, “there
seems to be the deuce-and-all in the hollow down by the flare” (38).
The connection between the “hollow” and its infinitude would seem
to confirm Gallagher’s reading: Lizzie imagines transformations for
her brother, not herself. However, later in the novel Lizzie narrates
another tale in the hollow, imagining a lady who will love Eugene
Wrayburn and will announce her love with a curious phrase: “only
put me in that empty place” (344). The “empty place” ostensibly refers
to the vacuous Wrayburn. But as Lizzie narrates her tale, she ventril-
oquizes her longing to put herself in the “empty place” carved out
by the imaginary “lady rich and beautiful that [she] can never come
near” (344). In the capacious fullness of the “empty place,” Lizzie taps
into the pure potential of dust’s changefulness.
Even though the text does not convert Lizzie into coal (or dia-
monds), Lizzie’s affinity with coal gives her access to the “empty place”
that allows her to imagine her allotropic other. She accesses Gallagher’s
“out-of-body” possibility. But, like the Old Lecturer’s melancholic
attachment to the pencil’s absent other, Lizzie’s narrative internalizes
her attachment to that which she can “never come near.” That is, dust
creates a formal model that can only ever be a melancholic fetishi-
zation. When form echoes all the forms it ever was and bespeaks all
those it could still be, our attachment to form can only be partial, a
fragment that substitutes for an overabundant whole. That the fig-
ure for the melancholic fetishization of form should be the young
girl seems predictably to confirm the commodification of the female
body. And yet the melancholia that attends Lizzie’s coal and Ruskin’s
graphite is less a sexualized longing and more an environmental
yearning for abundance in a world of finite scarcity. Indeed, both
Our
Mutual Friend
and
The Ethics of the Dust
enact fantasies wherein scant
resources are limitlessly recycled and reborn. Girl-dust represents
Victorian dreams of resource plenitude, fueling sociopolitical desires
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ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
for rebirth, or that the “Dust of generations of men” will lay the “foun-
dation” for a redeemed “city” (Ruskin,
Ethics
360).
In this light, Lizzie’s “hollow” would seem to activate the tradition
that views the female body as a receptacle.
32
But in the end, neither
Ruskin nor Dickens simply recapitulates girl as organic fecundity.
Lizzie is, after all, childless at the end of
Our Mutual Friend
, and
Ruskin weds his nubile girls to inorganic matter. While Ruskin’s erotic
interest in girls suggests an implicit embrace of procreative domestic-
ity, girl-dust subverts heteronormative expectations by emphasizing
the aesthetic and ethical value of asexual, inorganic recombination.
In this way, dust disrupts biological reproduction and the
politi-
cal structures invested in reproducing the state as such, or what Lee
Edelman has termed the politics of “reproductive futurism.” Although
Edelman argues that heteronormativity structures
any
fantasy of
reproduction, dust regenerates through ambient, inorganic affilia-
tion, a mode of propagative futurity that challenges organic duplica-
tion’s hegemony. Girl, then, is the apt figure for dust less because she
breeds from a hollow within, but more because her hollow prefigures
the combination and containment of unruly materiality that holds
dust’s restless transformations in a state of “animated Rest.” “There’s
no music in a ‘rest,’” advises the Old Lecturer, “but there’s the making
of music in it. And people are always missing that part of the life-mel-
ody; and scrambling on without counting” (247). It is easy to miss the
“rest” in
The Ethics of the Dust
and to discount the streaming dust in a
rush toward crystalline form. But by tracing dust’s formative power
and its ceaseless circulation, we may bring the pause between making
and unmaking into focus. Or rather, as I have argued, form is itself
a pause, a transient coming together in the whirligig of molecular
life. Both are true. Form is a pause (a compositional respite between
decompositions); form emerges in the pause (decomposition nour-
ishes composition). Hence, “the ethics of the dust” should not be sum-
marized as “get into order”; rather, its motto is better stated as: “mind
the Rest.” Mind that empty place—that melancholic girl—where dust’s
infinite combinations lurk.
University of California, Berkeley
RUSKIN’S DUST
487
SPRING 2016
NOTES
1. While my thinking about form springs from nineteenth-century science, espe-
cially Johann Friedrich Blumenbach’s concept of
Bildungstrieb
(formative power), my
work also engages with critics’ recent return to formalism. In my conception of form’s
shifting contours, I draw upon Leighton’s insistence on
“the dynamics of form itself”
(16). In my conception of decay’s latent formal potential, I draw upon Caroline Levine’s
use of design theory’s notion of “affordances,” which describes “the potential uses or
actions latent in materials and design” (6).
2. Ruskin’s idiosyncratic science has been a topic of much critical debate. For a
general overview, see Alexander. For Ruskin and Tyndall’s glacier debate, see Sawyer,
“Poetry.” For Ruskin’s use of Biblical typology, see Spear 40–51. For Ruskin’s natural his-
tory textbooks of the 1880s, see Birch, “Ruskin and the Science” and Kirchhoff.
3. My reading of decay is indebted to a number of studies on dirt, filth, and the
abject. These include Douglas, Kristeva, Hamlin, Nead, and McClintock. My work
takes up this critical tradition—which has established the Victorian obsession with
the taxonomic classification of waste and dirt, as well as the Victorians’ transgres-
sive desire to revel in such foulness—and uncovers an alternative discourse about
Victorian decay that embraced disintegration for its aesthetic, ethical, and environ-
mental affordances.
4. George Levine argues that Ruskin “bows to Lamarckian evolution” because it
allows for “will, intention, love, and hate” (243). Similarly, Zwierlein stresses the con-
nection between Ruskin’s “moral concept of energy” and Victorian debates about
willpower (322).
5. In addition to the connections among coal, dust, and gender performed by
Lizzie’s fireside narratives,
Our Mutual Friend
also links the economies of coal and dust
through the figure of the dustman, who, in Henry Mayhew’s
London Labour and the
London Poor
(1851), collects waste “principally from the residuum of fires, the white ash
and cinders, or small fragments of unconsumed coke” (345).
6. While scholarship on
The Ethics of the Dust
emphasizes the girl-crystal analogy,
it pays little attention to dust’s role in facilitating this transformation. See Sawyer 246,
Robson 115, and Weltman 46.
7. Even in Ruskin’s pagan exploration of Greek mythology in
The Queen of the Air
(1869)
,
dust continues to derive its authority from Genesis 3:19: Demeter’s rule is over the
earth “as the receiver of all things back at last into silence—‘Dust thou art, and unto dust
shalt thou return’” (304).
8. With the exception of Frost’s essay, the scientific content of these letters has
received little critical attention. Other scholars have commented almost exclusively on
Ruskin’s unorthodox interpretation of Genesis. See Conner 19 and Spear 372
.
9. Ruskin refers to Liebig later in the essay: “Liebig says that the source of
this ammonia is sufficiently evident by its peculiar odor” (486). While Cook and
Wedderburn do not footnote this reference, it seems likely that Ruskin read Liebig’s
Organic Chemistry in its Application to Agriculture and Physiology
in its 1840 English trans-
lation by Lyon Playfair. See Brock 94–114.
10. Ruskin’s “girls” have received much scholarly attention. See Robson 94–129;
Weltman,
Performing
111–19; and Birch, “Ruskin’s Authorities.”
488
ELLA MERSHON
VICTORIAN STUDIES / VOLUME 58, NO. 3
11. Chen defines “stone butch” as an erotic economy of affect “in which the butch’s
sexual pleasure can emerge from the touch instigated by her, whereas she prefers not
to be touched by her lover” (216) and argues that it is “simply wrong” to see the stone
butch as “affectless” (217). Similarly, it would be wrong to read Ruskin’s desire to petrify
little girls (or himself) as a deprivation of affect. Rather, this desire for objectification
curiously probes the affective life of stones and their geomorphic traumas.
12. See Millet for a scathing critique of “Of Queens’ Gardens” and Ruskin’s “com-
pulsive masculine fantasy” about “insipid goodies” (64). For a sympathetic reading that
places “Of Queens’ Gardens” in dialogue with the historical context of Queen Victoria’s
reign, see Weltman,
Ruskin’s Mythic Queen
103–23.
13. My reading of Ruskin’s dust concurs with Birch’s reading of Ruskin’s “womanli-
ness” and his feminized critical voice. See “Ruskin’s Womanly Mind.”
14. For the vitalist debate in the 1850s and ‘60s, see Geison.
15. Otis also reads the advent of cell theory as ushering in new concepts of self-en-
closure. See 1–8 for an overview of her “membrane model” of identity
.
16. Rocke emphasizes that there were artificial syntheses of “organic” materi-
als before 1828 and that “total” syntheses were only performed long after that date:
“Wöhler’s accomplishment in no way refuted vitalism at a stroke” (239). Hilton argues
that Wöhler’s synthesis of urea “might even have given vitalism ‘a new lease on life’”
(182).
17. In “The Cell Theory,” Huxley declares that he has “maintained the broad doc-
trine established by Wolff” (243). Richmond argues that Huxley’s conception of the
organism is “developmental and epigenetic rather than reductionist and morpholog-
ical” (270).
18. While Gigante argues that the Romantic rejection of preformation meant “life
now denoted power, rather than structure” (16), vital power was certainly not divorced
from structure in most Romantic accounts of life, especially since Blumenbach’s
Bildungstrieb
was a touchstone for Kantian aesthetics.
19. The review was anonymous, but Darwin and his circle immediately suspected
the author’s identity. J. D. Hooker made some inquires and concluded that it was Richard
Owen. Hooker’s sleuthing has since been confirmed by the editors of Darwin’s corre-
spondence (754). After Owen’s review on 28 March, Carpenter responded swiftly on 30
March, distancing himself from Darwin. Darwin’s angry retort appeared on 25 April, to
which Owen responded on 2 May. Darwin responded again on 5 May. But in a letter to
Darwin dated 7 May, Hooker begs him to acquiesce. For an overview of this debate, see
The Correspondence of Charles Darwin
, 745–55.
20. For a full account of the
Bathybius
, see Rehbock.
21. Even the public entered into the debate. In “Some Aspects of Mud,” the anon-
ymous reviewer ventures his opinion that “earth and water in combination, and acted
on by the heat of the sun, seem in truth to contain the germinating principle of vitality”
(199).
22. According to Priestman, “the first great Lucretian moment in Britain was the
end of the seventeenth century,” while a flurry of new editions between 1790 and 1820
marked “the second British Lucretian moment” (289). But, as Priestman acknowledges,
scholars have traditionally placed the “epicenter” of Lucretius’s nineteenth-century
[165.123.34.86] Project MUSE (2024-10-20 22:40 GMT) University Of Pennsylvania Libraries
RUSKIN’S DUST
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SPRING 2016
influence “firmly after
The Origin of Species
in 1859” (289). For Lucretius’s influence
on British Romantic poetics, see Goldstein. For his influence on Victorian writers, see
Turner.
23. Victorian interest in Lucretius began with H. A. J. Munro’s new translation of
De Rerum Natura
in 1860 and W. Y. Sellar’s
The Roman Poets of the Republic
in 1863. Turner
argues that the publication of Alfred Tennyson’s “Lucretius” in 1868 marks “the begin-
ning of a new appreciation for Lucretius” since that year also witnessed the publication
of Fleeming Jenkin’s “The Atomic Theory of Lucretius,” the first article linking “the
ancient writer to contemporary scientific thought” (335).
24. See also Jenkin 213.
25. For Ruskin’s refutation of the geological concept of denudation in
Deucalion
,
see 121–22 and 247–55.
26. In
Modern Painters
, Ruskin collects the runoff water from an Alpine stream
in order to measure Mont Blanc’s rate of decay. He calculates a staggering loss: “eighty
thousand tons of mountain must be yearly transformed into drifted sand” (176).
27. In
Deucalion
, Ruskin makes multiple references to his agedness: he began his
geological work “thirty years ago” (101); his dabbling-places “have not changed in fifty
years” (122); he has returned to Switzerland and revisited the same scenes “forty years”
later (126); the scenes he has revisited in Switzerland are “unchanged since I knew it
first, when I was a boy of fifteen, quite forty years ago” (151); and he has gathered “fifty
years’ experience of brooks” (250).
28. “The Work of Iron” (1858) is a paradigmatic example. In this lecture, he declares
that rusted iron is “Living” and folds the chemical decomposition of this industrial
product into a natural economy (376).
29. For an economic account of vitality, see Gallagher 86–117.
For an energetic
account of entropic loss, see MacDuffie 114–36.
30. I am indebted to Adelene Buckland for pointing me to these articles.
31. For the historical origins of the peak coal debate, see Jonsson 168–87.
32. The long literary-scientific tradition that views the female body as a recepta-
cle takes on a new significance in the nineteenth century when Georges-Louis Leclerc
Buffon theorizes “moules intérieures,” or “internal molds,” a hollow container that
impresses each life with its characteristic form. See Gigante 14–15.
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